Remember when Kanye said “George Bush doesn’t care about black people”?
That was a shocking comment in the context of that telethon for Katrina but it was true. Kanye is like a child who babbles incessantly but every once in a while blurts something out in public that the grown-ups are all saying behind closed doors.
Yesterday, he did it again:
“I love Hillary, I love everyone, right? But the campaign, ‘I’m with her,’ just didn’t make me feel as a guy that didn’t get to see my dad all the time, like a guy that could play catch with his son. There was something about when I put this hat on, it made me feel like Superman… You made a Superman cape for me.”
Kanye, in the Oval Office, unwittingly detailing how misogyny played a role in the 2016 election:
“I love Hillary, but the campaign ‘I’m with her’ just didn’t make me feel — as a guy … it was something about this hat that made me feel like Superman,” pic.twitter.com/T1dGX1G79V
— Holly Fιɢυeroα O’Reιlly (@AynRandPaulRyan) October 11, 2018
Trump said, “He gets it.”
Out of the mouths of sexist men …
There have been dozens of theories floated about why Trump won from the vaunted “economic anxiety” to white backlash to regional shifts, to Trump‘s celebrity, to Comey, all of which probably had some effect. But for some reason, the idea that this pig won mainly because he was running against the first woman candidate who was challenging male dominance is always shifted to the bottom of the list. Yet it was obviously a major factor.
Kanye blurted out the truth.
*And yes, standard disclaimer agreeing that because only 47% of white women voted for Clinton it means that a majority of white women were complicit in their own repression and the subjugation of people everywhere. Yes they were. Although there has been a substantial gender gap among white men and women voters for a long time, the sad fact is that most white women have always been Republicans, just like white men. There have just been more white male Republicans than white female Republicans.
From the looks of current polling, however, it may be that a fair number of them have learned their lesson. (Some white men have moved in the right direction too, although it’s hard to know if it’s for the same reasons.)
This piece from Politico this week looks into the phenomenon:
But what about Republican women? Is it possible that Trump—and the Republican politicians who enable him—are not just alienating left-leaning women, but are permanently damaging the GOP’s female ranks, driving some splintering portion of women away for good?
Republican women still overwhelmingly support the president—84 percent of them, according to a POLITICO/Morning Consult poll this week. But that statistic overlooks a broader trend: Fewer and fewer American women identify as Republicans, and that slow migration is speeding up under Trump. My conversations with pollsters, political scientists and a number of women across the country who have recently rejected their lifelong Republicans identities suggested the same—and illuminate why this moment in American politics might prove a breaking point for women in the GOP. According to pollsters on both sides of the aisle, that doesn’t bode well for the Republican Party either in this fall’s midterms—which are likely to bring a record gap between how men and women vote—or for the party’s long-term future.
The gender gap began with white men leaving the Democratic Party in the late 1950s and early 1960s in response to the civil rights and women’s movements, Democratic pollster Anna Greenberg explains. Only more recently did women start actively leaving the GOP. For two decades now, they have been leaking away from the Republican Party, very slowly becoming independents, while independents have been drifting toward the Democrats. In 1994, according to Pew, 42 percent of women identified as or leaned Republican, as did 52 percent of men. By 2017, only 37 percent of women and 48 percent of men still did. In 1994, 48 percent of women and 39 percent of men identified as or leaned toward the Democrats. By 2017, those numbers were 56 percent of women and 44 percent of men.
Trump’s election put this gender shift “on steroids,” Greenberg says. According to Pew, the share of American women voters who identify with or lean toward the Republican Party has dropped 3 percentage points since 2015—from 40 percent to 37 percent—after having been essentially unchanged from 2010 through 2014. By 2017, just 25 percent of American women fully identified as Republicans. That means that when, say, 84 percent of Republican women say they approve of Trump and his actions, or 69 percent of Republican women say they support Kavanaugh, or 64 percent say they, like Trump, don’t find Ford very “credible,” those percentages represent a small and shrinking slice of American women.
These shifts in party allegiance might seem mild, but they matter. As Rutgers political scientist Kelly Dittmar recently wrote, women have voted in higher numbers and at higher rates than men for decades. In 2016, according to Dittmar, 9.9 million more women than men voted, and about 63 percent of eligible females voted, compared with 59 percent of eligible males. If more women than men vote in November, women’s shift toward the Democrats is likely to be over-represented on Election Day—especially in an election like this one, in which women are highly mobilized and motivated. The Cook Political Report’s Amy Walter recently noted: “The most recent NBC/Wall Street Journal survey found that [white college-educated women] support a Democrat for Congress by 22 points—58 percent to 36 percent. In 2014, they preferred a Democratic Congress by just 2 points.”
This should be good news for the Democratic party. It’s a shame that it took some moron in a MAGA hat to make it obvious to those women that the Republicans don’t have their best interests at heart. But if Democrats want to win they need to win much bigger that the Republicans do to overcome the cheating and of all the potential apostates in the GOP, this faction of college-educated white women are probably the best bet to back progressive policies.